Indonesian Defense Strategy: Military Aircraft Acquisition from Russia

I

INTRODUCTION

A. Background

Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri signed a little-publicized deal at the end of April to purchase four Russia fighter jets and two helicopters as part of a much larger potential order. The decision to buy from Russia was a subject to a United States ban on military purchases; this marks a small but significant shift from Indonesia's current dependence on United States' military hardware. The Indonesian military is suffering from acute lack of supplies and parts for its heavy amour as well for light equipment. The United States' imposed embargo on Indonesia since 1999 has rendered the country's military equipment and apparatus partly redundant, leaving Indonesia, once a military might in the South East Asian region desperately behind its neighbors. The United States Congressional bans were first put in place in 1991 after the infamous Santa Cruz massacre of pro-independence civilian supporters in East Timor. They were further tightened in 1999, following the involvement of the Indonesian armed forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia) in the rampages by pro-Jakarta militia in East Timor.

This is not the first time that Indonesia turns to Russia for military hardware supports, as it matter of fact, history has recorded the rise and fall of Russian armaments in Indonesia as an inseparable part of the rise and fall of bilateral relationship between the two. From late 1950s to early 1960s, Indonesia was mainly dependent on Soviet's arms. At that time Indonesia was in campaign for the reclaim of West Papua, consequently, it needed a large number of weaponry. But United States were reluctant to sell any to Indonesia, because it did not make any sense if they sell weapons that would be used to fight against Dutch, their own ally. Soviet, on the other hand, was being kind to give arms support that would be paid in long-term and low-interest rate debt. The military equipment received from Soviet, especially for the navy, was so enormous that Indonesia became on of the sea power of Asia. But then, relationships between the two got worsen in late 1960s, and Indonesia was having a hard time in maintaining its military power, particularly to keep up with the advance of military technology.

Now, almost a half-century afterward, military friendship between Indonesia and Russia revived again. In time of need, Indonesia turns again to Russia. As it mater of fact, Indonesia is facing a hard time dealing with United States' military embargo. Lacking from military equipment support, Indonesia can no longer continue its reliance to United States' military assistance. In addition, Indonesia is not yet in stable economic condition after the crisis that struck in 1998, hence the purchasing power is somewhat low. But despite those conditions, the need of military equipment to support Indonesian defense strategy is inevitable. Russia, by being a friend in need, has proved it self to be a friend in deed.

Time had changed, the Cold War had ended, and security paradigm had shifted and expanded. Conventional threat that come from military aggression is no longer the become the only concern; many other danger threatens the well-being and the very existence of a nation itself. Arms transfer is no longer being conducted in the Cold War framework, with the rivalries between United States and the Soviet to gain influence. Though the sensitivity of this issue may no longer be so provoking, but still the acquisition of military equipment is an important occasion in a state's defense strategy.

B. Problem Identification

From the background noted above, the problem that will be addressed in this paper can be defined as following: "How does the grand strategy of Indonesia implied in the policy to strengthen its military power by purchasing military aircraft

from Russia, and what are the considerations for designing such policy?"

II

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Daniel S. Papp mentioned four different reasons for the widespread desire of states to improve their military forces, which accelerate further the flow of arms to the Developing World states. First, most Developing World states face security challenges on or near their border. The regional rivalries, including disputes on the arrangement of international boundaries, provide one motivation for arming. Second, internal security also provides another reason for improving military forces. Weapons have many purposes, not the least of which is suppressing dissent, because in many cases it involved the maintenance of authoritarian or dictatorial regime. The third reason is that the military has been, historically, the measure of a nation's prestige. Last, improving military forces is believed to be an effort to escape vestiges of the colonial past. Military force is a viable proof of independence, even if one's economy is controlled or influenced by others.

Andrew J. Pierre said that arms sales are much further than an economic event, or a military relationship, or a challenge in arms-control; arms sales are foreign policy writ large. The deployment of military instruments by states gives rise to two types of threat: those from the weapons themselves, and those from the fact that weapons are in the hands of other actors in the system. The first threat is mostly one of destruction, though it also has a significant element of opportunity cost even if the weapons are not used.

Indonesian national condition is very much influenced by the development of strategic context, because of the geopolitics of Indonesia as an archipelago, which lies between two continents (Asia and Australia) and two oceans (Pacific Ocean and Indian Ocean). Such position implies in the interconnection of Indonesia's national interest and the interest of others. The dynamics of strategic context, in global, regional or domestic scope, provide the potential threat that has to be dealt in the future. In the traditional forms, threat can be defined as invasion or military aggression; but there also exist non-traditional threat, such as terrorism and transnational organized crime. It is less likely that traditional threat would actually occur, because United Nations and international community are supposed to have a role in preventing or at least restraining the use of military force by one state to impose its determination towards others.

As stated in the Pembukaan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, Indonesia's national interest is to maintain and protect the state's sovereignty; the territorial integrity of Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia;